| You realize I am
sure that throughout the world hundreds of millions of human beings are
living today in constant fear of a new war or even a series of wars.
The existence of
this fear-and the possibility of such a conflict-is of definite concern
to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as it must also
be to the peoples of the other nations of the entire Western Hemisphere.
All of them know that any major war, even if it were to be confined
to other continents, must bear heavily on them during its continuance
and also for generations to come.
Because of the fact that after the acute tension in which the world
has been living during the past few weeks there would seem to be at
least a momentary relaxation-because no troops are at this moment on
the march-this may be an opportune moment for me to send you this message.
On a previous occasion I have addressed you in behalf of the settlement
of political, economic, and social problems by peaceful methods and
without resort to arms.
But the tide of events seems to have reverted to the threat of arms.
If such threats continue, it seems inevitable that much of the world
must become involved in common ruin. All the world, victor nations,
vanquished nations, and neutral nations will suffer. I refuse to believe
that the world is, of necessity, such a prisoner of destiny. On the
contrary, it is clear that the leaders of great nations have it in their
power to liberate their peoples from the disaster that impends.
It is equally clear that in their own minds and in their own hearts
the peoples themselves desire that their fears be ended.
It is, however, unfortunately necessary to take cognizance of recent
Three nations in Europe and one in Africa have seen their independent
existence terminated. A vast territory in another independent nation
of the Far East has been occupied by a neighboring state. Reports, which
we trust are not true, insist that further acts of aggression are contemplated
against still other independent nations. Plainly the world is moving
toward the moment when this situation must end in catastrophe unless
a more rational way of guiding events is found.
You have repeatedly asserted that you and the German people have no
desire for war. If this is true there need be no war.
Nothing can persuade the peoples of the earth that any governing power
has any right or need to inflict the consequences of war on its own
or any other people save in the cause of self-evident home defense.
In making this statement we as Americans speak not through selfishness
or fear or weakness. If we speak now it is with the voice of strength
and with friendship for mankind. It is still clear to me that international
problems can be solved at the council table.
It is therefore
no answer to the plea for peaceful discussion for one side to plead
that unless they receive assurances beforehand that the verdict will
be theirs, they will not lay aside their arms. In conference rooms,
as in courts, it is necessary that both sides enter upon the discussion
in good faith, assuming that substantial justice will accrue to both;
and it is customary and necessary that they leave their arms outside
the room where they confer.
I am convinced that the cause of world peace would be greatly advanced
if the nations of the world were to obtain a frank statement relating
to the present and future policy of governments.
Because the United States, as one of the nations of the Western Hemisphere,
is not involved in the immediate controversies which have arisen in
Europe, I trust that you may be willing to make such a statement of
policy to me as the head of a nation far removed from Europe in order
that I, acting only with the responsibility and obligation of a friendly
intermediary, may communicate such declaration to other nations now
apprehensive as to the course which the policy of your Government may
Are you willing to give assurance that your armed forces will not attack
or invade the territory or possessions of the following independent
nations: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden, Norway, Denmark,
The Netherlands, Belgium, Great Britain and Ireland, France, Portugal,
Spain, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Luxemburg, Poland, Hungary, Rumania,
Yugoslavia, Russia, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey, Iraq, the Arabias, Syria,
Palestine, Egypt and Iran.
Such an assurance clearly must apply not only to the present day but
also to a future sufficiently long to give every opportunity to work
by peaceful methods for a more permanent peace. I therefore suggest
that you construe the word "future" to apply to a minimum
period of assured non-aggression-ten years at the least-a quarter of
a century, if we dare look that far ahead.
If such assurance is given by your Government, I will immediately transmit
it to the governments of the nations I have named and I will simultaneously
inquire whether, as I am reasonably sure, each of the nations enumerated
above will in turn give like assurance for transmission to you.
Reciprocal assurances such as I have outlined will bring to the world
an immediate measure of relief.
I propose that if it is given, two essential problems shall promptly
be discussed in the resulting peaceful surroundings, and in those discussions
the Government of the United States will gladly take part.
which I have in mind relate to the most effective and immediate manner
through which the peoples of the world can obtain progressive relief
from the crushing burden of armament which is each day bringing them
more closely to the brink of economic disaster. Simultaneously the Government
of the United States would be prepared to take part in discussions looking
towards the most practical manner of opening up avenues of international
trade to the end that every nation of the earth may be enabled to buy
and sell on equal terms in the world market as well as to possess assurance
of obtaining the materials and products of peaceful economic life.
At the same time, those governments other than the United States which
are directly interested could undertake such political discussions as
they may consider necessary or desirable.
We recognize complex world problems which affect all humanity but we
know that study and discussion of them must be held in an atmosphere
of peace. Such an atmosphere of peace cannot exist if negotiations are
overshadowed by the threat of force or by the fear of war.
I think you will not misunderstand the spirit of frankness in which
I send you this message. Heads of great governments in this hour are
literally responsible for the fate of humanity in the coming years.
They cannot fail to hear the prayers of their peoples to be protected
from the foreseeable chaos of war. History will hold them accountable
for the lives and the happiness of all-even unto the least.
I hope that your answer will make it possible for humanity to lose fear
and regain security for many years to come.
A similar message is being addressed to the Chief of the Italian Government.
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
(Source: U.S., Department
of State, Publication 1983, Peace and War: United States Foreign Policy,
1931-1941 (Washington, D.C.: U.S., Government Printing Office, 1943,