delivered by Franklin Delano Roosevelt, on January 6, 1941

  Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress :



  



  I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment



  unprecedented in the history of the union.  I use the word



  "unprecedented" because at no previous time has American



  security been as seriously threatened from without as it is



  today.



  Since the permanent formation of our government under the



  Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our



  history have related to our domestic affairs.  And,



  fortunately, only one of these --the four-year war between



  the States --ever threatened our national unity.  Today,



  thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have



  forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.



  



  It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has



  been disturbed by events in other continents.  We have even



  engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of



  undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and



  in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and



  for the Principles of peaceful commerce.  But in no case has



  a serious threat been raised against our national safety or



  our continued independence.



  What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United



  States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition



  --clear, definite opposition-- to any attempt to lock us in



  behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of



  civilization went past.  Today, thinking of our children and



  of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for



  ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.



  



  That determination of ours, extending over all these years,



  was proved, for example, in the early days during the



  quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.



  While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the



  United States because of the French foothold in the West



  Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of



  1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is



  nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor



  any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole



  world.



  



  And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 --ninety-nine years



  --no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real



  threat against our future or against the future of any other



  American nation.



  Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign



  power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere.  And



  the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a



  friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.



  Even when the World War broke out in 1941 it seemed to



  contain only small threat of danger to our own American



  future.  But as time went on, as we remember, the American



  people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic



  nations might mean to our own democracy.



  



  We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of



  Versailles.  We need not harp on failure of the democracies



  to deal with problems of world reconstruction.  We should



  remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the



  kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and



  which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny



  that seeks to spread over every continent today.



  The American people have unalterably set their faces against



  that tyranny.



  I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way



  of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every



  part of the world --assailed either by arms or by secret



  spreading of poisionous propaganda by those who seek to



  destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still



  at peace.



  



  During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the



  whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of



  independent nations, great and small.  And the assailants



  are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and



  small.



  Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional



  duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of



  the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the



  future and the safety of our country and of our democracy



  are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our



  borders.



  



  Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly



  waged in four continents.  If that defense fails, all the



  population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa



  and Australia will be dominated by conquerors.  And let us



  remember that the total of those populations in those four



  continents, the total of those populations and their



  resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population



  and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere



  --yes, many times over.



  



  In times like these it is immature-- and, incidentally,



  untrue-- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America,



  single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can



  hold off the whole world.



  No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace



  international generosity, or return of true independence, or



  world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of



  religion-- or even good business.  Such a peace would bring



  no security for us or for our neighbors.  Those who would



  give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary



  safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.



  



  As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are



  soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.  We



  must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a



  tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement.  We must



  especially beware of that small group of selfish men who



  would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to



  feather their own nests.



  I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern



  warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack



  which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win



  this war.



  



  There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and



  direct invasion from across the seas.  Obviously, as long as



  the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. 



  Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that



  any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing



  troops in the United States from across thousands of miles



  of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which



  to operate.



  But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in



  Europe-- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential



  seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up



  over a series of years.



  



  The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not



  be the landing of regular troops.  The necessary strategic



  points would be occupied by secret agents and by their



  dupes-- and great numbers of them are already here and in



  Latin America.



  As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive



  they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the



  method of their attack.



  And that is why the future of all the American Republics is



  today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to



  the Congress is unique in our history.  That is why every



  member of the executive branch of the government and every



  member of the Congress face great responsibility-- great



  accountability.



  



  The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy



  should be devoted primarily-- almost exclusively-- to



  meeting this foreign peril.  For all our domestic problems



  are now a part of the great emergency.



  Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been



  based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity



  of all of our fellow men within our gates, so our national



  policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect



  for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and



  small.  And the justice of morality must and will win in the



  end.



  



  Our national policy is this :



  First, by an impressive expression of the public will and



  without regard to partisanship, we are committed to



  all-inclusive national defense.



  Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and



  without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full



  support of all those resolute people everywhere who are



  resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from



  our hemisphere.  By this support we express our



  determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and



  we strengthen the defense and the security of our own



  nation.



  



  Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and



  without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the



  proposition that principle of morality and considerations



  for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a



  peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.  We



  know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of



  other people's freedom.



  In the recent national election there was no substantial



  difference between the two great parties in respect to that



  national policy.  No issue was fought out on the line before



  the American electorate.  And today it is abundantly evident



  that American citizens everywhere are demanding and



  supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of



  obvious danger.



  



  Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving



  increase in our armament production.  Leaders of industry



  and labor have responded to our summons.  Goals of speed



  have been set.  In some cases these goals are being reached



  ahead of time.  In some cases we are on schedule; in other



  cases there are slight but not serious delays.  And in some



  cases-- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases-- we



  are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of



  our plans.



  The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress



  during the past year. Actual experience is improving and



  speeding up our methods of production with every passing



  day.  And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.



  



  I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made.  The men



  in charge of the program represent the best in training, in



  ability and in patriotism.  They are not satisfied with the



  progress thus far made.  None of us will be satisfied until



  the job is done.



   No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too



  low, our objective is quicker and better results.



  To give you two illustrations :



  We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. 



  We are working day and night to solve the innumerable



  problems and to catch up.



  



  We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are



  working to get even further ahead of that schedule.



  To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime



  production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime



  production of implements of war is no small task.  The



  greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program,



  when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines,



  new shipways must first be constructed before the actual



  material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.



  



  The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at



  all times of the progress of the program.  However, there is



  certain information, as the Congress itself will readily



  recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and



  those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs



  be kept in confidence.



  New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our



  safety.  I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new



  appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have



  begun.



  



  I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds



  sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war



  supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations



  which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.  Our



  most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for



  them as well as for ourselves.  They do not need manpower,



  but they do need billions of dollars' worth of the weapons



  of defense.



  The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them



  all in ready cash.  We cannot, and we will not, tell them



  that they must surrender merely because of present inability



  to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.



  



  I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with



  which to pay for these weapons-- a loan to be repaid in



  dollars.  I recommend that we make it possible for those



  nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United



  States, fitting their orders into our own program.  And



  nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came,



  be useful in our own defense.



  Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities,



  considering what is best for our own security, we are free



  to decide how much should be kept here and how much should



  be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and



  heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready



  our own defense.



  



  For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a



  reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid



  in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of



  many kinds which they can produce and which we need. 



  Let us say to the democracies : "We Americans are vitally



  concerned in your defense of freedom.  We are putting forth



  our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to



  give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. 



  We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes,



  tanks, guns.  That is our purpose and our pledge."



  



  In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by



  the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach



  of international law or as an act of war our aid to the



  democracies which dare to resist their aggression.  Such aid



  is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally



  proclaim it so to be. 



  And when the dictators --if the dictators-- are ready to



  make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on



  our part.



  They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands



  to commit an act of war.  Their only interest is in a new



  one-way international law which lacks mutuality in its



  observance and therefore becomes an instrument of



  oppression.  The happiness of future generations of



  Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate



  we can make our aid felt.  No one can tell the exact



  character of the emergency situations that we may be called



  upon to meet.  The nation's hands must not be tied when the



  nation's life is in danger.



  



  Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the



  sacrifices that the emergency --almost as serious as war



  itself-- demands.  Whatever stands in the way of speed and



  efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time,



  must give way to the national need. 



  A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from



  all groups.  A free nation has the right to look to the



  leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the



  lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but



  within their own groups.



  



  The best way of dealing with the few slackers or



  trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by



  patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty



  of government to save government.



  As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by



  armaments alone.  Those who man our defenses and those



  behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and



  the courage which come from unashakeable belief in the



  manner of life which they are defending.  The mighty action



  that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of



  all the things worth fighting for.



  



  The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from



  the things which have been done to make its people conscious



  of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic



  life in America.  Those things have toughened the fiber of



  our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their



  devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.



  Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking



  about the social and economic problems which are the root



  cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme



  factor in the world.  For there is nothing mysterious about



  the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.



  



  The basic things expected by our people of their political



  and economic systems are simple.  They are :



  Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.



  Jobs for those who can work.



  Security for those who need it.



  The ending of special privilege for the few.



  The preservation of civil liberties for all.



  The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a



  wider and constantly rising standard of living.



  These are the simple, the basic things that must never be



  lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of



  our modern world.  The inner and abiding straight of our



  economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree



  to which they fulfill these expectations.



  



  Many subjects connected with our social economy call for



  immediate improvement.  As examples :



  We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age



  pensions and unemployment insurance.



  We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care. 



  We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or



  needing gainful employment may obtain it.



  I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of



  the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that



  call.  A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more



  money in taxes.  In my budget message I will recommend that



  a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for



  from taxation than we are paying for today.  No person



  should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program,



  and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability



  to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our



  legislation.



  



  If the congress maintains these principles the voters,



  putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their



  applause.



  In the future days which we seek to make secure, we look



  forward to a world founded upon four essential human



  freedoms.



  The first is freedom of speech and expression --everywhere



  in the world.



  



  The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his



  own way-- everywhere in the world.



  The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world



  terms, means economic understandings which will secure to



  every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants



  --everywhere in the world.



  



  The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into



  world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to



  such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation



  will be in a position to commit an act of physical



  aggression against any neighbor --anywhere in the wold.



  That is no vision of a distant millennium.  It is a definite



  basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and



  generation.  That kind of world is the very antithesis of



  the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators



  seek to create with the crash of a bomb.



  



  To that new order we oppose the greater conception --the



  moral order.  A good society is able to face schemes of



  world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.



  Since the beginning of our American history we have been



  engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a



  revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself



  to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the



  quicklime in the ditch.  The world order which we seek is



  the cooperation of free countries, working together in a



  friendly, civilized society. 



  



  This nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and



  hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith



  in freedom under the guidance of God.  Freedom means the



  supremacy of human rights everywhere.  Our support goes to



  those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.  Our



  strength is our unity of purpose.



  



  To that high concept there can be no end save victory.